Otávio Teixeira
Gabriel Ferreira
Brazilian democracy isn't flat; it's shaped by terrain. In some regions, access to power is more open; in others, the obstacles are greater. Place of origin still influences the ballot box. Historical legacies, local networks, and the way parties distribute resources create a pattern of competition that favors certain territories and limits the presence of others. The result is unequal political representation, shaped by geography.
O Map of Electoral Inequality 2024, from RenovaBR, sheds light on this scenario. The study shows how territory directly influences the chances of political participation and access to representation. The most emblematic fact is also the most alarming: only 20 cities (0.3% of all Brazilian municipalities) managed, in 2024, to achieve proportional representation of gender and race in their elected positionsThis means that the voices of most territories, especially those where women and Black people live, continue to be muffled by historical structures of exclusion.
Two main forces underpin this scenario. On the one hand, the power and funding networks that operate nationally; on the other, the historical legacies that mark each region. Although gender inequalities are not directly linked to territory, they manifest themselves unequally in the political arena, as access to funding and support networks varies by region. In 2024, male city council candidates received, on average, 42% more in funding than female candidates. This imbalance helps explain why women's electoral success rates remain well below those of men.
The regional distribution of political representation shows that territory is decisive. In 2024, PPI (Black, Brown, and Indigenous) mayors were elected in 66% from the Northern municipalities and in 51% of the Northeast, while in the South and in the Southeast These numbers have fallen dramatically. This difference is no coincidence: it reflects the historical formation of each region, in which political and social networks favor certain groups and marginalize others. Thus, Brazilian political geography remains marked by institutional and symbolic barriers that limit the diversity of local power.
These regional differences are consistent with what the literature has shown. Studies published in the journal World Politics (Bueno & Dunning, 2017) show, in the Brazilian case, that gaps in racial representation persist less due to “voter preferences” and more due to asymmetries in resources and networks that favor certain profiles, a mechanism that tends to be expressed unevenly across regions. Recent panels from ONMP/Chamber they also indicate non-compliance and distortions in the fulfillment of quotas, including in 2024, which helps to explain the lack of representation in several municipalities.
A look at the municipalities reveals the pattern of these absences. In 2024, 737 city councils (13%) elected no women, and another 1,631 (29%) elected only one; at the opposite extreme, 75 municipalities (1.3%) have a female majority, exceptions that confirm the rule of low female presence in local legislatures (18% of seats). Among city councilors, PPI (Personally Involved) account for 46% of those elected, below the population proportion of 56%; in the Executive branch, 732 cities (13%) elected female mayors and 1,867 municipalities (33%) elected PPI (Personally Involved) mayors, with a strong concentration in the North and Northeast regions. In the dynamics of the competition, the average success rate for city council candidates was 13% nationwide, while RenovaBR alumni achieved 23%, a sign that strategic support alters the conditions of competition. The report also highlights the limitations of measurement within the racial framework, given the methodological debate surrounding self-declaration and heteroclassification, a crucial point for calibrating policies and goals by municipality.
The survey conducted by RenovaBR also points to possible paths. Experiences in political training, mentoring, and support networks show that it is possible to change the conditions of competition. In 2024, RenovaBR students achieved a success rate of 16,10%, more than double the national female average. These results suggest the need for build competitiveness infrastructure where it does not yet exist, especially in medium-sized and small municipalities and in peripheral territories.
To reduce inequalities, three fronts deserve to be highlighted: (1) more precise oversight and transparency regarding the use of public funds, requiring parties to provide accountability on a municipality-by-municipality basis; (2) defining clear goals and criteria to address representation gaps, prioritizing investments where women and Black people remain chronically absent; (3) expansion of training programs and local support networks that strengthen candidacies outside the traditional axis, integrating women, young people and PPI leaders.
Territory should not be a limiting factor for a more representative democracy. Recognizing and addressing the lack of representation is a prerequisite for the country to move toward a policy that reflects its true diversity.
Otávio Teixeira is an economist and Director of Operations at RenovaBR
Gabriel Ferreira, Data Manager at RenovaBR
